Комментарии:There may be more than one root here. Jpn. has, besides *i(n)sar-, a synonymous *asar- 'to fish'. One of the two Jpn. words may be alternatively compared either with TM *ŋisū- 'to bring the killed animals from the hunt' or TM *ŋusu 'fishing-rod', with a provisional reconstruction of PA *ŋisV or *ŋusV.
Комментарии:Vovin 1993 (Jpn.-Kor.). Cf. also MKor. àńắm 'family', àńí 'child'. The Korean reflexes raise some doubts: tone does not correspond to TM, medial -ń- is also irregular (unless it was palatalized in àńí before -i, and other forms were changed by analogy); see a discussion in Martin 1996, 67-68, Robbeets 2000, 116-117. In Japanese *'younger brother' > *'brother'; with the introduction of *ǝtǝ 'younger brother' ( < *i̯ore 'young male') *ani changed its meaning to "elder brother".
Комментарии:Poppe 117 (Mong.-Tung.), KW 209, АПиПЯЯ 293-294. In Jpn. one could (following Ozawa) compare *ír- 'to enter', but the latter should be rather compared with Kor. tɨr- id. (see *tire), while *ítá-r- is also a perfect phonetic match for PA *ī́re. Turk. reveals variants *ēr- and *īr- ( < *īre-?). Cf. also Koguryo *i- 'to enter' (Lee 37, Menges 1984, 267).
Комментарии:A common Altaic cultural term. The difference between *kabari and *gằja is not quite clear: both can mean 'oar' or 'boat pole' in daughter languages. The Mong. forms can be explained from an earlier form *kabi(r)-ɣur, whence *kaibur / *kai-ɣur.
Комментарии:The root is rather difficult to distinguish from *k`ăp`ù 'barrier'. There also exists MJ kòfòrì 'district, county' - which is considered by most authors a loanword from MKor. kò'ắr ( = kòwắr), see e.g. JLTT 457; the loan must have occurred already after the merger of -f- ( < *-p-) and -w- in Japanese, which can explain the orthography.
Комментарии:SKE 102, PKE 74, АПиПЯЯ 297. The Turkic form is somewhat dubious and resembles a loanword (cf. Sak. khauca 'covering', see Bailey 76?), but the other forms are undoubtedly related.
Комментарии:KW 159, TMN 3, 184(: "unklar" ). In Jpn. we probably have a compound with *pa 'leaf'; *kání < *kadV-N with regular nasal assimilation. The old form *kadiNpa is reflected in the Ainu loanword karinpa 'birch tree or cherry tree'.
Комментарии:EAS 97, KW 174. Despite Doerfer MT 57 the TM forms are very hard to explain as borrowed from Mong. In Jpn. the word is usually analysed as "mouth ring", which seems to be a folk etymology (in view of external parallels: together with Kor. kùr'ǝ́i it presupposes a suffixed form like *kádu-bV-). It seems that we in fact are dealing here with an archaic term of horse harness.
Комментарии:EAS 46, 97, KW 158, Poppe 95, VEWT 221, АПиПЯЯ 288, Лексика 96-97. A Western isogloss. PT -j- instead of the expected -d- is baffling (cf. TMN 1, 394, 3, 566); perhaps OT qaja is a borrowing from some archaic "j-dialect"? Helimski 1995 proposed a Sam. etymology for the Turkic word (PS *koǝjǝ 'mountain'), which cannot be excluded. But obviously Mong. is not < Turk. (despite Щербак 1997, 132). Cf. also a toponym: OT Ezgenti qadaz = Mong. Ergenetü qada].
